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COSATU Media Monitor
A digest of media reports - not the views of COSATU
Friday 4 July 2008
CONTENTS
1. Zimbabwe
1.1. Zimbabwe: The Mark of Cain
1.2. Zimbabwe: Parliament Must Prioritise Talks, Say War Veterans
1.3. President Mugabe is an African political hero
1.4. Zimbabwe: Triangle Resumes Ethanol Production
1.5. ICC makes decision on Zim
1.6. US pushes sanctions on Zim
1.7. Africa's problems require African solutions
2. Workers' issues
2.1. Patients, unions jab state hospitals
2.2. Strike in chemicals sector unavoidable - union
2.3. SAfrica's chemical workers given go-ahead to strike
2.4. South African creative workers get organised
2.5. Settlement imminent
2.6. Mine deaths: Gold Fields has worst record
2.7. Numsa: do not tamper with poll
3. Alliance politics
3.1. Madikizela could be surprise ANCWL nominee
3.2. Spotlight on women
3.3. Zuma urges ANCWL to end tensions
3.4. Thanks Mbeki - Zanu-PF women
3.5. Roundtable talks planned for premier, Cosatu
3.6. Rivonia trialist warns against 'kill for' remarks
3.7. No more 'kill' talk, Malema promises SAHRC
3.8. SACP still owes funeral caterers thousands
1. Zimbabwe
<http://allafrica.com/> allAfrica.com1.1. Zimbabwe: The Mark of Cain
Henning Melber, Fahamu, 3 July 2008
The farcical run off took place in Zimbabwe, predictably so, in the face of a world opinion dismissing the sham elections and the irrelevant result rightly so already in advance.
Mugabe's legitimacy is one of a dictator, whose power is dependent upon a military junta's good will. If not for the securocrats and their silent coup after the first round of elections, Zimbabwe would now be governed by political office bearers who would have the legitimacy of a majority of the voters. Even with the state organized terror machinery intimidating the people and forcing them to vote for an unwanted aging despot, his "victory" is nothing but a fallacy and mockery. Shame on SADC, who were willing to witness such a defiance of the people's will.
Intimidation, repression, physical harm, torture, rape and murder were all part of a so-called election campaign. At the end, the contester - who unlike six years ago in 2002 - could no longer be denied the claim to legitimate political power . Morgan Tsvangirai withdrew for admirably sound ethical and moral reasons. After all, the regime had disclosed its intentions through the systematic use of brute force in ruthless way, To have contested the second round would have been to add further misery, mutilation and death to the long register of human rights violations bordering on crimes against humanity. That would have been an irresponsible symbolic political act.
Anyone who under the given circumstances would blame Tsvangirai for his withdrawal would not only be carelessly naïve, but either Machiavellian or hypocritical to the extreme. When the rule of law is not more than the law of the rulers, reference to formal procedures can only be in support of a totalitarian system. It dictates the rules of the game, and the rulers follow only one goal: to stay in power, whatever it costs.
ANOTHER "TYPICAL AFRICAN" CASE?
Since the turn of the century, headlines produced from the former "jewel in the crown of Africa" (so Nyerere said to Mugabe at Zimbabwean Independence, when he asked him to handle it with care) have contributed to the Eurocentric perception that Africa is all about hunger, civil war, HIV/AIDS and despots, who treat human rights with contempt and with impunity. That Mugabe's pseudo-anti-imperialist populism made him for many a 'true patriot' (mostly outside of his direct sphere of influence, since it is one thing to endorse his rhetoric and another to bear the consequences in your daily living from it) was part of an unfolding tragedy with ironical undertones.
His finger-wagging posture to Blair, Brown, Bush and Co. -- who only applied the usual double standards when criticizing Zimbabwe while keeping a blind eye on other blatant violations of human rights (including their own practices "war against terror" was unleashed) -- misleadingly inferred defiance of Western imperialism. But that was a mere smokescreen to cover up the fact that he was just one of them, if not of their worse kind. After all, he oppressed his own people, who were themselves responsible for a successful chimurenga (liberation struggle) ending with sovereignty in 1980.
Mugabe was then the figurehead of an anti-colonial liberation project based on popular support and the sacrifices of the povo (people). They had reasons to expect a better life after independence and were bitterly disappointed by a new post-colonial elite which eventually appropriated their liberation project .
Mugabe and his cronies betrayed the people's struggle. It is one thing if the British were to be blamed for not honoring their commitments under the Lancaster House agreement. One could argue that there were no reasons to expect anything different.
But it is another matter when the new rulers betray their own people. This is what finally resulted after twenty years of opposition that had its roots in the workers and urban marginalized. It was they who experienced the brunt of the misery - a misery created not by the external forces and their imperialist agents, but by the new clique of rulers, whose self-enrichment schemes and obsession for power, privilege and luxury led them to treat ordinary people with the utmost contempt.
The next chimurenga was not, as misleadingly claimed, one by the ZANU-PF regime under (self-inflicted) siege, but one by the people against the abuse of power by that government. In contrast to the chimurenga preceding Independence, it was fought by mainly non-violent means against a heavily armed regime willing to use its weapons against those who brought them into power.
The former liberation movement, elected at Independence as government, soon abused its position using state terror against the people. The mass violence in Matabeleland showed that it does not take a lot to turn victims into perpetrators and to act in the same fashion as the colonial oppressors did. So much for liberation and the limits of liberation.
SOLIDARITY RE-VISITED
But this is not particular to Africa. It is about the abuse of power and the reign of terror of cliques - a phenomenon of totalitarian mindsets and rulers all over the world. That these are also shaped in the struggle against foreign rule like in the case of Southern African liberation movements, is a sobering lesson from history.
<http://allafrica.com/> allAfrica.com
1.2. Zimbabwe: Parliament Must Prioritise Talks, Say War Veterans
The Herald, 4 July 2008
Harare
WAR veterans yesterday said talks should take centre stage in the next Parliament as MDC-T reiterated its commitment to talks with Zanu-PF, saying Zimbabweans should ignore conflicting remarks by its secretary-general, Tendai Biti, which had been "overtaken by events".
Zanu-PF has called for talks with no preconditions. The Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans' Association chairman, Cde Jabulani Sibanda, said soon after their swearing-in - which should be soon - Members of Parliament should start deliberating on a homegrown political settlement between all the political parties.
The MDC-T said it was prepared for talks. "The position I gave you (on Tuesday) remains the same. We are still committed to talks. The secretary-general's statement was overtaken by events," said MDC-T spokesperson Nelson Chamisa in an interview yesterday.
Cde Sibanda said as the custodians of the country's revolution and independence, war veterans wanted negotiations to be the first job of the new Parliament.
He said since the country had chosen its representatives in Parliament, negotiations should be open in the House.
"We are a sovereign country with a sovereign Parliament and that is where the two teams will meet with an agenda to build our national interests," he said.
As for MDC-T, Chamisa said Morgan Tsvangirai's statement reflected the party's correct position on the talks.
On Wednesday, Tsvangirai said MDC-T remained committed to dialogue but set conditions.
"While the MDC remains committed to negotiations, these must be based on the 29th March results and must move towards a transitional agreement. Our commitment to a negotiated settlement is not about power-sharing or power deals, but about democracy, freedom and justice," he said.
For the talks to begin, Tsvangirai called for an end to violence and the arrest of MDC-T leaders and supporters, among other things.
He also expressed his party's reservations on South African President Thabo Mbeki's mediation efforts and called for an expanded mediation team that would include one permanent representative from the African Union.
"If this does not happen, then the MDC will not be part of such a mediation process," Tsvangirai said.
He noted that the challenges in the country should be addressed "as soon as possible", saying Zimbabweans cannot afford any delays.
However, Zanu-PF said while it is committed to inter-party dialogue for a homegrown solution to the country's problems, any reservations or conditions should be addressed at the negotiating table.
In an interview yesterday, a member of the Zanu-PF media sub-committee, Ambassador Christopher Mutsvangwa, said: "We, as Zanu-PF, are guided by what President Mugabe said during his inauguration where he called for unity to solve our problems. But these solutions should not be based on outside influence since all countries have challenges that have their own peculiarities.
"This is the position of the region, which was recently supported by the AU, but the talks should not be influenced by preconditions," he said.
He said the elections demonstrated that all the contesting parties had their own support base and it was President Mugabe's duty to respect the electorate's wishes.
"The electorate has shown that they love all the parties. Zanu-PF has its supporters, so does the MDC and even Simba Makoni has some supporters and it is for the incumbent to answer the electorate's call.
"This is the same position that has been taken by Sadc, the AU and the European Union going towards the same direction.
"However, the opposition, being bellicose to rely on the economic situation and rising inflation as their weapon, is losing regional and African support because these do not affect Zanu-PF supporters only, but all Zimbabweans," he said.
Cde Mutsvangwa urged the opposition parties to shun British advice as it would not serve Zimbabwean people's interests.
"The British are still living in colonial glory and believe that they can influence South Africa to put pressure on Zimbabwe, but theirs is a post-imperialist agenda to reclaim their exploitation of the country."
Cde Sibanda said Zimbabwe is already a member of Sadc and AU, which are regional and continental bodies, while it is also part of the United Nations, an international body, calling for a homegrown solution.
"Being influenced by the British and Americans, to some extent, would be trying to internationalise our affairs, which is not necessary," he said.
President Mugabe has repeatedly invited the opposition to come to the negotiation table while maintaining the ruling party's preparedness for dialogue.
<http://www.monitor.co.ug/artman/publish/index.shtml> Monitor Online - Truth Every Day1.3. President Mugabe is an African political hero
Michael Baingana, Daily Monitor, 3 July 2008
It is clear that British, US and EU sanctions against Zimbabwe were designed to disrupt the Zimbabwe economy and render the country ungovernable in order to justify external (Western) intervention to reverse the gains of the land reform programme.
For so long as President Robert Mugabe did not try to take back the land stolen by the Whites, he was okay. But when he began to respond to his people's land hunger, he became a pariah and came under sanctions and destabilisation from these White supremacist powers.
The crisis in Zimbabwe is one of sovereignty not democracy. The big question is: 'Do we as Africans have the right to determine our own destiny without approval from the West? Does Zimbabwe has the right to reform land policy or doesn't it? If they don't then what is the value of African 'independence' and 'democracy?'' In my view absolutely nothing!
We Africans must be clear that our collective sovereignty is of far greater political value than democracy. Democracy is a universal value which all human being desire and deserve, but when national sovereignty is under threat, then democracy becomes a luxury we can do without. In any case without sovereignty, democracy is a misnomer, it is meaningless.
President Mugabe, for all the wrongs he may have committed, stands solidly in defense of African sovereignty - our right as Africans - to determine our own destiny independently of London, Washington, Paris, and Brussels. This is the essence of his political stance and also the source of his woes.
Historically, few African leaders have had the political courage to take such a position or even understand how critically important it is to be able to do that.
In that regard Mr Mugabe is an African political hero of the rank of Mr Nelson Mandela (former SouthAfrican President). Mr Mugabe is setting an important precedent for all Africans and rapidly redefining Western-African relations.
Let us not forget that although Mr Mandela is now idolised by the West, he was until as recently as Ms Margaret Thatcher (former British Prime Minister) and (former US President) Ronald Reagan (RIP), vilified by them and called "the world's greatest terrorist" - his crime being the audacity to stand up to White supremacism and racial arrogance.
Britain and the US stood unwaveringly by the apartheid regime in South Africa until the very day it collapsed! We too must learn to stand by our own in the face of racial attack.
African leaders must adopt a strategic perspective on Zimbabwe and recognise that unless we assert our independence from the West, we face potentially serious consequences, including the real possibility of being re-colonised.
The recent establishment of an African military command (Africom) by the US to handle African policy is a clear indicator of what is being planned by some people in this world against Africans. This world is not for the weak.
Thabo Mbeki got (South African President) it right when he said, "The fight against Zimbabwe is a fight against us all. Today, it is Zimbabwe, tomorrow it will be South Africa, it will be Mozambique, it will be Angola, it will be any other African country.
Any government that is perceived to be strong, and to be resistant to imperialists, would be made a target and be undermined. So let us not allow any point of weakness in the solidarity of the Sadc because that weakness will also be transferred to the rest of Africa."
amatega...@yahoo.com
078-2135183
<http://allafrica.com/> allAfrica.com1.4. Zimbabwe: Triangle Resumes Ethanol Production
Masvingo Bureau, 4 July 2008
ZIMBABWE'S biggest sugar cane producer, Triangle Sugar Corporation, has resumed ethanol production at its plant in the Lowveld, in a milestone development that is expected to ease serious fuel woes that have been afflicting the country over the past decade.
The ethanol is blended with petrol and the biofuel allows Zimbabwe to "grow" up to 15 percent of its own petrol.
The resumption of ethanol production by Triangle was also expected to meet all the blending requirements by State's sole fuel procurer Noczim and save Zimbabwe millions of dollars in foreign currency every year.
The ethanol plant at Triangle was decommissioned in the early 1990s following a severe countrywide drought but Government has of late been calling on Triangle to recommission the plant in the wake of prevailing fuel shortages in the country.
Triangle chief executive officer Mr Sydney Mtsambiwa yesterday confirmed that his company had resumed ethanol production, adding that commissioning of the plant to produce fuel-grade ethanol was scheduled for middle of this month.
His company was in the process of commissioning the upgraded ethanol plant to meet specifications for fuel-grade ethanol required by Noczim.
Triangle produces over 35 million litres of ethanol a year but the figure was expected to rise with increased sugarcane hectarage in the Lowveld.
The completion of Tokwe-Murkosi Dam in Chivi could also further boost ethanol production in the Lowveld as sugarcane production was expected to increase by between 15 and 20 percent in Chiredzi.
Triangle's move to resume ethanol production comes at a time when the entire world is grappling with high fuel prices on the international market spurred by the weakening US dollar and conflicts in the Middle East.
1.5. ICC makes decision on Zim
IOL, 4 July 2008
Zimbabwe will remain a full member of the International Cricket Council, an official said on Friday, after the deeply divided world body worked out a last-minute compromise.
The ICC Executive Board, meeting for an unscheduled third day, agreed to keep Zimbabwe in its fold after the African nation acceded to India's request to pull out of next year's World Twenty20 championships in England.
The British government had made it clear it would not issue visas to Zimbabwean cricketers which could have forced the ICC to move the lucrative tournament out of England.
1.6. US pushes sanctions on Zim
Gerard Aziakou, IOL, 4 July 2008
United Nations - The United States on Thursday pushed for a UN travel ban and an assets freeze on Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe and 13 of his cronies in protest at last week's widely condemned, one-man presidential run-off vote.
US Ambassador to the UN Zalmay Khalilzad formally introduced a sanctions resolution, also including an arms embargo on the Harare regime, in the Security Council, and said he hoped it would be voted upon by the 15-member body next week.
The text would demand that the Mugabe government "begin without delay a substantive dialogue between the parties with the aim of arriving at a peaceful solution that reflects the will of the Zimbabwean people as expressed by the March 29 (first-round presidential) elections."
Khalilzad said the draft contained "targeted sanctions on those who are responsible for the political crisis, with the expectation and hope that they will be incentives to co-operate (in) resolving the crisis of legitimacy."
Under the US draft, Mugabe, Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and 11 others would be targeted for their role in abetting the state-sponsored violence against the opposition, repressing human rights or undermining democracy.
An annex to the draft initially listing Mugabe and 11 other names was expanded Thursday to include Zimbabwe's Defence Minister Sydney Sekeramayi and Agriculture Minister Joseph Made as well, diplomatic sources said.
The text would condemn the Harare government's decision to proceed with last Friday's one-man runoff presidential election "and the campaign of violence against the political opposition, which has resulted in scores of deaths, thousands of injuries... making it impossible for a free and fair election to occur."
Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who bested Mugabe in the March 29 first presidential vote, had pulled out of the runoff saying nearly 90 of his supporters had been killed and thousands injured in violence he blamed on pro-Mugabe militia.
Tsvangirai, head of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has said he is open to dialogue, but has refused to recognise Mugabe as the country's elected leader after the runoff election much of the world has labelled a farce.
The MDC chief has made clear that any negotiations should be based on the first round vote, in which the official vote count had him just short of an outright majority.
The US draft would also direct UN chief Ban Ki-moon to appoint "an individual of international standing and expertise to serve as his special representative... who would support the negotiation process between the political parties in Zimbabwe."
Diplomatic sources said former UN secretary general Kofi Annan, who helped broker a power-sharing agreement in Kenya last February, former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano, Nigerian ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo and Ghanaian President John Kufuor were being considered for the mission.
The draft would also demand that Harare "end immediately all restrictions on international humanitarian assistance and support international aid organisations' access to all parts of the country for distribution of food, medical assistance and other humanitarian aid."
Although backed by Britain, France and other European council members, the text is virtually certain to be watered down as regional powerhouse South Africa, the main mediator in Zimbabwe's domestic political crisis, and veto-wielding China, a key ally of Harare, oppose its tough provisions.
Vietnam's Ambassador to the UN Le Luong Minh, who chairs the council in July, said many members need time to consult their capitals on the draft.
He confirmed that the full council would again take up the Zimbabwe crisis at a meeting scheduled for next Tuesday. - Sapa-AFP
1.7. Africa's problems require African solutions
Fiona Forde, IOL, 4 July 2004
It was to Sharm el-Sheikh that 29 Israeli, Arab and world leaders travelled in 1996 in an attempt to bring peace to the Middle East.
Bill Clinton boldly dubbed it the "summit of the peacemakers". And, not surprisingly, many observers questioned his daring back then. No sooner had they left the Red Sea resort town than the Arab world was burning with the notorious peace process teetering on the brink.
And it was from here that 53 African leaders and delegates departed on Tuesday night, armed with as much symbolism and rhetoric, and some would say as little substance, as the crew before them. On the surface, not much more than a call for talks to broker a solution.
This time the issue at stake was the ongoing Zimbabwe crisis. Robert Mugabe had been sworn in as the country's sixth president on the eve of the summit, with 85 percent of votes to his credit from last week's one-man race.
As the world began to tut-tut at his blatant disregard for democracy, members of the African Union (AU) jetted into Sharm-el-Sheikh for a meeting that was intended to address water, sanitation and rising food prices, but was overshadowed by the troublesome leader of the southern African state.
How to deal with a man who was once one of the most respected liberation icons on the continent, but who then proceeded to preside over the decline of what Julius Nyerere once dubbed the "bounty" of Africa, would be no mean feat.
A man who began to dig in his heels when the world condemned him. An African leader who puts words to the unspoken and deep-seated anti-West sentiment that is shared by most other African leaders. And at the same time, a dictator who shares the same closet secrets as many of them.
Africa, though not the AU, has been here before with Robert Mugabe. In 2000, 2002 and 2005. AU President Jakaya Kikwete was not in an enviable position.
During the summit's opening ceremony, UN Deputy Secretary-General Asha Rose Migiro described it as "a moment of truth" for the African leaders gathered in her midst, a time to step up to the podium and practice what they preached. The world powers were putting it to the AU: Get involved and strike the right chord.
Some of them did just that when they spoke up in the closing session. A handful, it has to be said. Leaders "used the kind of language I've never heard in a summit like this before," according to one Tanzanian delegate.
Botswana called for Mugabe to be banned from all future Southern African Development Community (SADC) and AU meetings. They said his sham elections did not confer legitimacy on his presidency.
Nigeria was equally daring in refusing to recognise Mugabe as a head of state, a move that could also be interpreted as a slight against its arch-rival South Africa, as Zimbabwe mediator. Kenya raised its voice. Sierra Leone followed suit. Then Liberia, followed by Senegal and Tanzania in slightly more neutered tones.
"I wasn't going to make my position known publicly," said Senegal's President Abdoulaye Wade.
"It wouldn't have been helpful." There wasn't a whisper from Namibia. "Silence speaks for itself," a Namibian delegate claimed. Or indeed from a host of other leaders.
And the majority refusal to openly condemn Mugabe forced the AU to finally agree to disagree. With the first prize out of reach, they opted for the next best - a call on Mugabe and his arch rival Morgan Tsvangirai to form a Government of National Unity, sooner rather than later.
And there was a nod in Thabo Mbeki's direction with a recommendation that the talks remain at the SADC level, but with a permanent presence on the ground to seize the momentum for a settlement.
Like Sharm el-Sheikh in 1996, no real substance, on paper at least. And certainly no reflection of the harsh verdicts handed down by a handful of leaders, because black-brother politics still won't allow such sentiments public breathing space. That's not to say their words won't echo.
Like Harare in 2002, when another of Mugabe's disputed presidential victories also brought talking heads to a table, Mugabe is so far agreeing to toe the line.
"He has not objected to me yet," Kikwete told Independent Newspapers, although Tsvangirai has insisted on a clause to all future negotiations: No peace, no talks.
But it's not Tsvangirai that's the worry right now. Six years ago, with the world focused on Zimbabwe just as it is today, Africa thought it had seen the end of Mugabe's reign of terror. Promises were made.
Assurances were given. Agreements were in place. Within months, it was falling apart. By then the glare of the world was elsewhere. And Zimbabwe has continued its steady decline ever since.
Africa is back where it was in 2002. And it calls the futility of Tuesday's resolution - no more than a call for talks - into question.
Would it have helped matters if Kikwete could have urged all his peers to take a hardened stance and not recognise the 84-year-old Zanu-PF leader as one of them? To condemn his actions and force him out?
It's what the world seems to have been waiting for. It would've caused an international stir. It would also have marked a first for inter-African relations. Kikwete would have become an instant darling of the West. But hell would've known no fury like Mugabe's wrath had that happened.
The old man would have well and truly flipped if his black brothers ousted him from his African club. The TV-footage of him ranting at a British journalist on Monday would have been nothing compared to the fury he would have unleashed, no doubt on his own people, if he were toppled in principle from his presidential perch.
There is no denying that Mugabe's entitlement to a powerful seat is not legitimate. Reports from three credible observer missions have said as much.
The SADC, the Pan African Parliament and the AU concur in their observations that the poll was fatally flawed and does not represent the will of the people of Zimbabwe.
But the situation is such that it would be foolish to exclude Mugabe at this point. Both the AU and the SADC need to work with him and not against him, because dismantling the powerful Zanu-PF after all these years will be no mean feat. A peaceful transition in Zimbabwe can only happen with all the main players on board.
Unspoken words in Tuesday's resolution are directed at the rest of the world: The AU won't pander to global powers. But they refrained from using the language of Mugabe's spokesperson George Charramba - "the West can go hang a thousand times" - confirming the view that Africa's problems require African solutions.
2. Workers' issues
2.1. Patients, unions jab state hospitals
Sne Masuku, Sowetan, 4 July 2008
Health workers' unions have lashed out at the provincial department of health for the poor quality of health care at state hospitals.
This comes after the Mahatma Gandhi Hospital in Phoenix again made headlines, this time for negligence that led to about 22 patients going on a hunger strike.
The patients at the hospital were waiting to be treated for broken and fractured bones and chronic illnesses - some for as long as six months.
They refused to eat for four days, demanding better service. Yesterday health trade unions said most of the province's hospitals had a shortage of staff and lacked qualified health professionals.
Cassim Lekhoathi, provincial secretary of the Democratic Nurses' Organisation of South Africa (Denosa), said the poor standard of care at state hospitals was indicative of the staff's heavy workload.
Staff vacancies, especially in rural hospitals, were not being filled.
"We don't have qualified health care workers because there is a lack of proper training," said Lekhoathi.
The National Education Health and Allied Workers' Union (Nehawu) said they were arranging an urgent high-level meeting with the management of Mahatma Gandhi Hospital and the department of health.
Provincial health department spokesman Leon Mbangwa yesterday denied there was a hunger strike at the hospital.
" Patients who need medical treatment for fractured or broken bones have been transferred to Durban's Albert Luthuli Hospital. Only Addington Hospital and Albert Luthuli have the equipment to deal with these cases and the machine at Addington is broken, hence the backlog."
<http://www.engineeringnews.co.za/index.php> Creamer Media's Engineering News2.2. Strike in chemicals sector unavoidable - union
<http://www.engineeringnews.co.za/author.php?u_id=1018> Chanel Pringle, Engineering News, 3 July 2008
Trade union members working in the industrial chemicals sector may go on strike next week, as trade union Solidarity on Thursday rejected a final wage increase of 11% with an additional 1% increase to be implemented in January next year.
Solidarity said a strike in the industrial chemicals sector seemed unavoidable, as it contended that only a 12% increase for the sector would be acceptable.
The union added that it had already been issued with a strike certificate. Solidarity management would caucus on Friday to consider further action.
"Employees cannot survive on the current offer. Inflation, the increase in municipal rates and the new property tax regulation place enormous pressure on employees' budgets and the only solution is a more favourable wage increase," said Solidarity spokesperson for the chemical industry Marius Croucamp.
Solidarity added that all three of the other trade unions in the sector's bargaining council, the South African Chemical Workers Union, the General Industries Workers Union of South Africa and the Chemical, Energy, Paper, Printing, Wood & Allied Workers Union had also rejected the offer and had received strike certificates.
2.3. SAfrica's chemical workers given go-ahead to strike
Reuters, 3 July 2008
JOHANNESBURG - South Africa's Solidarity trade union said on Thursday its members in the industrial chemical sector may go on strike within 48 hours after turning down the latest wage offer from employers.
Solidarity, a traditionally white union, said it would decide on Friday whether to give notice to call a strike, which would see its 3,000 members employed in the chemical sector stop work.
Sasol (SOLJ.J: <http://uk.reuters.com/stocks/quote?symbol=SOLJ.J> Quote, <http://uk.reuters.com/stocks/companyProfile?symbol=SOLJ.J> Profile, <http://uk.reuters.com/stocks/researchReports?symbol=SOLJ.J> Research), Africa's biggest maker of chemicals and the world's biggest maker of motor fuel from coal, is the largest employer in South Africa's chemicals sector.
Workers from three other trade unions in the sector, including the biggest union CEPPWAWU, had also rejected the latest offer and obtained a permit to strike, Solidarity said.
The unions refused a wage increase of 11 percent plus an additional 1 percent increase in January 2009.
Solidarity said it wanted an increase of 12 percent.
"Sasol is benefiting from the record levels of the Brent crude oil price as well as the weak rand/dollar exchange rate," said Marius Croucamp, Solidarity's spokesman in the sector, urging Sasol and other employers to meet union demands.
Ceppwawu officials could not be reached to comment.
Workers are increasingly demanding double-digit increases as South Africa's inflation surges. The annual CPIX inflation rate hit a fresh 5-1/2 year high in May, at 10.9 percent. Soaring fuel, food, and electricity prices, and rising interest rates, have been felt by workers, unions say. (Reporting by James Macharia; Editing by Rory Channing)
2.4. South African creative workers get organised
Martin Spence, UNI, 2 July 2008
I had the privilege of making a flying visit to South Africa in May, at the suggestion of Uni-MEI General Secretary Jim Wilson. BECTU's long involvement in the struggle against apartheid gives us an enduring interest in South Africa. And we also have a practical industrial interest because it is a popular destination for UK-financed commercials and feature films, and because an organising drive is now under way across the country's creative industries.
Some background. South Africa's ANC Government is powerfully linked to the main trade union confederation COSATU (Congress of South African Trade Unions). Organised workers in industries such as mining played a key role in overthrowing apartheid and the Government supports trade unions and has created a favourable legal framework for them. But there is still a lot of hard work to be done in some industries to establish a union presence and win employer recognition.
The creative industries, including broadcasting, film, and theatre, are a good example. There are some areas where unions have a history of effective organisation: among staff in the main public service broadcaster SABC; in some theatres such as the Artscape Theatre Centre in Cape Town; and among musicians who have been organised for many years. But this still leaves major gaps, not least among freelance technicians in film and TV who until recently had no union to represent them.
That has now changed. In the autumn of 2007 COSATU sponsored the formation of the Creative Workers Union of South Africa (CWUSA), aiming to bring together musicians, actors, technicians and others across a broad front. Given their past record of successful organisation, musicians figure prominently: CWUSA's General Secretary Oupa Lebogo made his name as a jazz saxophonist. Well-known actors are also associated with the union including the popular veteran Boikie Mohlamme, and Mangaliso Ngema, a star from the country's favourite soap opera Generations. This sort of celebrity support helps give CWUSA a valuable public profile.
Another vital source of support is international. The Finnish media union TEME and the Labour Solidarity Centre SASK, together with Uni-MEI, have helped fund an organising post specifically to build up membership among technicians.
Jim and I spent most of our visit with the technicians' organiser, Tom Mokgolobetse, including a day in Johannesburg with his steering committee exchanging views and experiences on rogue employers, working hours, health and safety, skills and training, and insurance. This led to a positive meeting with a leading member of the Independent Producers Organisation - the South African equivalent of PACT - about the prospects for recognition and a formal collective agreement.
In Cape Town we met with Sarel Daniels, CWUSA's local rep and steward at the Artscape Theatre, and with a number of technicians active in commercials and feature film production. Until now they have relied on their crewing agencies to represent them - a situation fraught with contradictions, which has no real equivalent in the UK.
Tom and his colleagues face a daunting challenge. Apartheid has gone, but its poisonous legacy endures. Much of the majority black population is still desperately poor and unemployment is high - which partly explains, but does not justify, the recent xenophobic violence against immigrants from Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and elsewhere. There are also significant regional tensions: ethnically and politically, Johannesburg is very different from Cape Town. Building a union which enjoys genuine grassroots support across these different environments will not be easy - but the signs are that CWUSA will give it a pretty good try.
<http://www.pretorianews.co.za/index.php> Pretoria News2.5. Settlement imminent
Pretoria News, 4 July 2008
The 500 workers fired for an illegal strike at the Mbombela stadium in Nelspruit are on the verge of returning back to work, according to the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM).
NUM spokesperson Frans Baleni yesterday said they were in discussions with the Mbombela Stadium Joint Venture (Basil Read/Bouygues Civil Works) and an agreement was expected today.
"There are still a few issues that we need to work on, but a settlement is imminent."
The venture said it had reached an in-principle agreement with the dismissed workers. - Sapa
2.6. Mine deaths: Gold Fields has worst record
Gugulakhe Lourie, IOL, 4 July 2008
Gold Fields has the worst mine death record in South Africa so far this year, with about half of a total of 85 deaths in the country's mines occurring at the group's operations, a senior official said.
Deaths in South African mines fell 22 percent to 85 in the first half of this year compared to the same period last year, Thabo Gazi, the chief inspector of mines at the Department of Minerals and Energy (DME) told reporters on Thursday.
"On Monday this week, we were standing on 85 deaths in comparison to 109 last year, same period. Almost around 50 percent of those deaths are coming from one group - Gold Fields," Gazi said on the sidelines of a National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) safety meeting.
Gazi said a new Mine Health and Safety Amendment bill, still to be debated in parliament, would seek to improve safety in mines, and impose bigger fines for safety offenders.
He hoped the law would come into force by the year end.
Gold Fields, the world's fourth biggest gold producer, suffered its latest accident last week when two workers were killed at its key Kloof mine, southwest of Johannesburg. The group lost a total of 70kg of gold after shutting one of its shafts where the two died after a tremor.
The company has had a string of mishaps this year. It briefly stopped development work at its big South Deep gold mine in early May after nine workers were killed after the cage in which they were riding hurtled down a shaft.
After the incident, Gold Field's Chief Executive Officer, Nick Holland said safety at its mines was the group's top priority. At a visit to Kloof mine this week, Holland reiterated that his company would not mine unless it was safe to do so, and the firm was conducting an external safety audit for the mines.
Daniel Thole, a spokesperson for Gold Fields said: "If we can't mine safely, we won't mine at all."
South Africa, a major producer of gold and the world's biggest source of platinum, suffered more deaths in mines last year than the year before. The government reacted by shutting down mines whenever the deaths occurred, hurting mining output.
More output was lost after the 320 000-strong NUM staged a one-day strike last December to force miners to focus on safety.
The government said mineworker deaths rose 11 percent last year to 221 from 2006, the first jump since 2002, as mine workers were killed by rockfalls, explosions or buried underground during earth tremors in a country with the world's deepest gold mines, most of which are labour intensive.
Frans Baleni, NUM's general secretary, said the union would decide later this year if to call another safety strike.
"If there are no improvements in mines in terms of safety by December, we may consider a strike," he told reporters.
2.7. Numsa: do not tamper with poll
Amy Musgrave, Business Day, 4 July 2008
NATIONAL Union of Metalworkers of SA (Numsa) general secretary Silumko Nondwangu has warned anyone attempting to manipulate the outcome of the union's congress later this year to back off.
He told guests and union members at the opening of a Numsa building in Johannesburg this week that metalworkers would decide on the new leaders of the union.
Nondwangu is facing an uphill battle as the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), to which Numsa is affiliated , is opposed to his re-election. His name appeared on a President Thabo Mbeki list ahead of the African National Congress (ANC) elective conference last year.
Nondwangu is facing a Cosatu disciplinary process for "ill-discipline", but the federation has denied that it is purging people who did not support ANC president Jacob Zuma.
Nondwangu said the union was stable and people would not be able to financially influence the outcome of the October elective congress.
"This congress ... has been budgeted for years in advance. We will not pay anything from the current subscriptions, but draw money from investments made since the last congress. This prudent management of finances ... makes it difficult for service providers who have an interest in determining the outcome of congress elections to do so."
3. Alliance politics
3.1. Madikizela could be surprise ANCWL nominee
SABC News, 4 July 2008
Delegates at the ANC Women's League National Conference in Bloemfontein are expected to finalise the nomination list for the top five leadership positions this morning.
Election fever is running high. The race for party president is being contested by the league's Secretary General Bathabile Dlamini and Gauteng Education MEC Angie Motshega.
Insiders say former Women's League President, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, could be a surprise nomination.
The close to 4 000 delegates at the league's national conference in Bloemfontein are expected to vote for the top five leadership positions this morning.
3.2. Spotlight on women
Sowetan Opinion, 4 July 2008
The public spotlight shining on the national conference of the ANC Women's League, which started yesterday, will be looking for more subdued deliberations in choosing the organisation's new leader.
Similar contestations among it's sister organisations - the ANC and ANC Youth League - have been marked more by acrimony and hostile divisions than benign robustness characteristic of democratic processes.
So the quadruple leadership race within the ANCWL poses a stiff test for the character of an organisation that seems to recoil from challenges rather than to assert its independence.
Crafting its own distinct political voice within the ambit of the broader ANC-led alliance is the immediate challenge facing the leader to emerge from the fourfold race between Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, Nomvula Mokonyane, Angie Motshekga and Thabile Dlamini.
But most important is that ANCWL delegates must heed the wisdom of disagreeing without being disagreeable when deliberating over such a potentially divisive issue as choosing a leader.
3.3. Zuma urges ANCWL to end tensions
Deon de Lange, IOL, 4 July 2008
ANC president Jacob Zuma has appealed to the party women's league to end subtle class tensions, or else the organisation would be seen as a stepping stone for elite women.
Speaking at the opening of the league's national elective conference in Bloemfontein yesterday, Zuma urged delegates to find a solution to the "subtle tension that exists within the ANCWL between the elite and the non-elite women" and called for a return to the rural roots of the movement.
To counter this perception and remain relevant, he suggested, the league would have to focus on the needs of women living in rural areas and informal settlements.
According to the ANC leader, some women feel excluded from the leadership structures of the league because others take up "wrong positions" and become "gatekeepers" in the branches.
He also appealed to delegates to stand united and avoid the undisciplined chaos that had characterised a number of recent meetings of the ANC and its structures.
Zuma said he hoped the recent experience of the league's North West provincial conference - which was fraught with infighting over accreditation and other issues - would be an "isolated incident that would not become a permanent feature".
He also reminded delegates that the next general election would be "highly contested", requiring all the party's structures to be united in a "state of readiness".
Zuma and his supporters are believed to be concerned that the bitter aftermath of the divisive Polokwane conference may result in a lower turnout in the next election.
He has on a number of occasions appealed to members of the party to put their differences aside and focus on organising and mobilising for the upcoming ballot.
In her report, outgoing ANCWL president Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula said any electoral loss for the ANC would be "a defeat against all the gains our people have made" that would endanger the future of the region and the continent.
Zuma attracted widespread criticism from women's organisations for comments he made during his rape trial. Some considered his views patriarchal and disrespectful of women.
The ANCWL, however, surprised many when, in the run-up to the Polokwane conference, it threw its weight behind Zuma.
This support was evident on Thursday when delegates greeted Zuma's arrival with tumultuous applause after the conference finally kicked off four hours later than planned.
Thousands of women braved the near-zero temperatures of the previous night as technical glitches held up the registration process.
By the time the conference began, a number of delegates were still not registered and had to listen to the opening day's speeches on loudspeakers outside, prompting Mapisa-Nqakula to apologise.
3.4. Thanks Mbeki - Zanu-PF women
Accolades also for Zuma
Nkosana Lekotjolo, Sowetan, 4 July 2008
The Zanu-PF Women's League (Zanu-PFWL) congratulated President Thabo Mbeki and ANC leader Jacob Zuma for supporting the Zanu-PF government during the second round of the Zimbabwean presidential elections.
"We really want to congratulate the South African leaders for their unwavering support during and after the elections," Oppah Muchinguri said at the ANC Women's League (ANCWL) national conference in Bloemfontein.
"The presidential elections were peaceful as confirmed by the Pan African observers' mission and now President Robert Mugabe had been sworn-in as the legitimate leader," she said.
Muchinguri said the ANCWL's league must play a pivotal role in bringing Mbeki and Zuma together for the united ANC to emerge. She said the ANCWL and the Zanu-PFWL had a strong historical friendship and the two must continue to fight for the emancipation of the African women.
The Zanu-PFWL was also joined by other women's leagues of the ruling parties in countries like Mozambique, Namibia and Botswana.
The women's organisations said women in the continent need to be in the forefront of women's economic emancipation and development in their countries.
ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantatshe and former National Intelligence head Billy Masetlha were given a warm welcome at the conference.
Meanwhile, Sapa-AFP reports that a Zimbabwe opposition figure yesterday broke ranks and urged his peers to accept Robert Mugabe as the country's legitimate leader following the widely condemned one-man election last week.
Gabriel Chaibva, a former lawmaker and until recently spokesman for a breakaway faction of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), said it was time the party accepted Mugabe so the country's political crisis can be resolved.
He was stripped of his position in the MDC on Monday, a day after attending Mugabe's inauguration.
"There is no doubt that the election process was not conducted in a manner that would be said to have been appropriate to democratic standards, but the bottom line is that Mugabe is there," he said.
3.5. Roundtable talks planned for premier, Cosatu
Mayibongwe Maqhina, Dispatch, 4 July 2008
OFFICIALS from the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), the union federation which has been calling for Premier Nosimo Balindlela to resign over poor service delivery, could soon be sitting across a table from her to sort out their differences.
The meeting is being organised by the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac), whose executive director Herbert Mkhize is trying to fix a date suitable to both parties.
Nedlac hope to short-circuit Cosatu protests, including major industrial action against food prices and the energy crisis in East London, Mthatha, Port Elizabeth and Queenstown, scheduled for next Wednesday.
About 1 000 shop stewards will meet in Mdantsane at the weekend to develop their programme of action.
The federation has already applied to Nedlac in terms of Section 77 of the Labour Relations Act, which allows for a protest action to promote or defend socio-economic interests while protecting union members.
Cosatu provincial secretary Xola Pakati says Nedlac are " going to come down and facilitate a meeting between ourselves to see if we cannot resolve issues raised on service delivery. Until such time we've attempted to resolve this issue we can't protest."
Pakati says Cosatu is willing to give Nedlac's intervention a chance before any protest action.
Phaphama Mfenyana, provincial government spokesperson, said Balindlela's office has welcomed an opportunity to sit down with Cosatu to look at matters they raised .
"We will wait for the time that suits all of us and we will avail ourselves," Mfenyana said.
3.6. Rivonia trialist warns against 'kill for' remarks
SABC News, 4 July 2008
Former Rivonia trialist, Dennis Goldberg, has warned against the "kill for Zuma" comments by ANC youth league president, Julius Malema and Cosatu General- Secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi.
He was speaking at a public lecture on the life of apartheid activist and their lawyer in the Rivonia trial, Braam Fischer, in Cape Town.
Goldberg was sentenced to four life terms in the infamous trial of 1964. He says such comments do not protect the democratic institutions that they fought hard for. Goldberg says it's bad for democracy and unity if people threaten to kill those who disagree with them.
3.7. No more 'kill' talk, Malema promises SAHRC
Hajra Omarjee, Business Day, 4 July 2008
THE South African Human Rights Commission's (SAHRC's) ultimatum - for African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) president Julius Malema to retract his statement that the league was prepared to take up arms and kill for ANC president Jacob Zuma - has fallen away.
After a meeting with Malema, the SAHRC retracted its demand for an apology, saying that this was in the interest of "moving forward".
"Mr Malema appreciated the criticism levelled against him for using the word 'kill' and recognis es that the word could have been interpreted differently. Mr Malema also explained that it was never his intention to incite violence and undertakes never again to use the word and is committed to democracy and the advancement of human rights," the SAHRC and Malema said in joint statement issued after the meeting.
Opposition parties, including the Democratic Alliance (DA), Independent Democrats and the Inkatha Freedom Party, expressed disappointment at the apparent backpedalling.
The DA went a step further to say that it would press ahead with criminal charges against Malema.
However, the ID said that "in line" with its understanding of the c onstitution and the mandate of bodies set up under Chapter 9 of the constitution such as the SAHRC, it would "respect" the decision.
Although Malema's comments sparked public outrage, the ANC's allies defended the ANCYL leader. Some ANC, Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and South African Communist Party leaders even went as far as publicly repeating Malema's controversial comments.
SAHRC chairman Jody Kollapen defended the commission yesterday against criticism that it had bowed to "political pressure".
"We have to acknowledge that what we got fell short of what we asked for. What we sought was an apology. But I have to state that there was no political pressure ... the idea of the meeting was to move forward," Kollapen said.
But Malema has been consistent in his refusal to apologise. He has always said that he did not mean the comments literally and that he did not mean to incite anyone. However, Kollapen said Malema's acknowledgment that his comment "could have been interpreted differently" was a step in the right direction.
With Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, a member of the ANC national executive committee , having brokered the meeting between Malema and SAHRC, the party's diplomatic attempt to solve the dispute seems to have paid off.
But Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi is still in hot water with the SAHRC for repeating Malema's comment.
3.8. SACP still owes funeral caterers thousands
HERALD CORRESPONDENT, 4 July 2008
THE SACP still owes thousands of rand to three caterers who provided refreshments for the funeral of its late deputy chairman.
Ncumisa Kondlo, who died in East London in March, was buried in April. The SACP had promised to pay for the ceremony's costs, but confirmed three months later the caterers had not been paid.
Three caterers, which spoke on condition of anonymity, claimed the organisation owed them close to R70000. One caterer had to sell her car in order to pay her debts after her creditors threatened to take legal action against her.
The party said it was waiting on its alliance partners - Cosatu and the ANC - to make their contributions.
Last year, the party failed to pay R1,7-million to the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University for holding its national conference there.
The university took the party to court and recouped its money.
